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59th Congress, | CONFIDENTIAL. j Executive 

1st Session. ) ( Document No. 3. 

PROTESTS AGAINST ISLE OF PINES TREATY. 



March 12, 1906. — Presented by Mr. Penrose, and ordered to lie on the table 
and -to be printed in confidence for the use of the Senate, in connection with 
the Isle of Pines treaty (Ex. J, oSth, 2d). 



AN AMERICAN PROTEST CAPTAIN PEARCY GIVES HIS REASONS FOR ASKING 

THAT THE ISLE OF PINES TREATY BE DEFEATED AT ONCE. 

The letter published below will give some idea to American citi- 
zens, as well as to members of Congress, regarding the methods of 
interpretation and administration of the old Cuban-Spanish laws 
in the Isle of Pines, with respect to the American property owners 
there. Cuban laws seem especially designed for the encouragement 
and protection of the Cuban office-holding grafter, big and little. 
The letter was received here by Capt. J. L. Pearcy, of Washington, 
D. C., from his brother, Capt. S. H. Pearcy, an American property 
owner in the Isle of Pines and the proprietor of the Pearcy line of 
boats from Mobile to the Isle of Pines. The letter speaks for itself : 

Xueva Gerona. Isle of Pines. 

February 21. 1906. 
Joseph L. Pearcy. Washington, D. G. 

Dear Joe : I received your letter by last mail telling me about Senator 
Morgan's report and his interview with Minister Quesada. It gives us con- 
siderable encouragement. I also received the book of the official reports (ma- 
jority and minority) of the committee, which is being passed around and de- 
voured by the people, but you don't know what a disappointment it is when 
we see that our fate is liable to be delayed and run over to another session of 
Congress. It looked at first as though we were going to have a great many 
people come here this winter, but we get news from every quarter that they 
will not come till Congress acts, and if they continue to let the Cubans govern 
us much longer there will be a general stampede of settlers here trying to sell 
out at any price. The majority report recommending the ratification of the 
treaty killed the sale of land, and for the first time since the Americans bought 
(land) in the island, started the price downward and made things dull. The 
people are down in the mouth and some who have been improving their little 
homes and were apparently as happy as they could he. having not a rent 
elsewhere, are anxious to sell for enough to get back to the States: and if 
they do ratify the treaty, it will break every small planter on the island. As 
for me, I could not continue to live here. I have been cautioned by two respon- 
sible parties (one is cashier of a Cuban hank and the other a Cuban mer- 
chant) that my life was in imminent danger, but I have paid no attention to it. 
and every possible obstacle and disadvantage have keen thrown in my way in 
running our boat from Mobile here: so much so that with the confiscations, dam- 
ages, etc., I have lost several thousands of dollars in cash out of my own pocket 
since I began to run it. They are determined that we shall patronize Habana. I 
am now thinking seriously of closing ou1 the business, and sacrificing every se- 
curity I can raise to pay off the losses, as it is impossible for me to hold out any 
longer. This has so humiliated and harassed me for the last three or four 
months that I have not been able to be of any assistance in our cause. In fact, 
it has so cramped me for funds that I have been utterly unable to pay my chil- 



2 PEOTESTS AGAINST ISLE OF PINES TREATY. 

dren's schooling expenses. Only for this boat business, I would have been able 
to carry all our necessary expenses and would gladly have done it rather than 
trust to the good nature of others. I regarded the boat from here to Mobile as 
one of the most important features in the development of the island and of great 
importance to Mobile, but I failed, to get the support or assistance that I rea- 
sonably expected. 

Joe, a Cuban government can not govern the Isle of Pines long, if they get it, 
as the Anglo-Saxon race will not and can not submit to being treated as the 
Cuban officials treat them. No man's liberty is safe. Just think for a moment 
of the fact that, no matter how respectable or prominent you are, you are 
liable to arrest and incarceration at any moment on a charge preferred by 
the lowest negro or designing white, and you are guilty unless you can prove 
yourself innocent. And they select and examine the witnesses, while you have 
no more show than a dog. Spanish law is so pliable that you can convict one 
man and clear another on the same charge and under the same law and evi- 
dence. Americans can not and will not stand it, and yet Cuba has no people 
nor financial interests here worth mentioning which would entitle it to the 
enforcement of its antiquated graft-encouraging laws. 

Spain deeded this island to a Spaniard and one of his heirs deeded a small 
lot of land here near Nueva Gerona to the Crown of Spain (not to Cuba), 
provided they would keep an army guard stationed here to help frighten away the 
pirates and thus guard Cuba. The alcalde, or governor, here before the Spanish- 
American war, was an army officer and not a civilian, and the Crown of Spain 
kept it for political prisoners sent from either Cuba or Porto Rico, because 
it was too far to send them back to Spain. The land records were kept in a 
separate book from those at Bajucal, and were only kept there because there 
were only a few large tracts belonging to old Captain Daurties' heirs and 
they never changed hands. Evidently they could not afford to pay a man to 
keep the records here. The same was true of tbe courts ; if any of the dozen 
or so owners — all of whom were rich Spaniards — should have any litigation, 
they were allowed to use the Bajucal courts, but tbe docket was kept separate. 
It only gave those officers a little more graft, as they charged enormous fees, 
so much that but little business was done in civil suits, while in criminal and 
military cases tbe proceedings were all here under the jurisdiction of the 
military commander. Few that came before him ever survived to give any 
account of the trial afterwards. Furthermore, I am told that no one was al- 
lowed to visit the island without a special permit from the captain-general 
of Cuba, and these were closely watched all the time that they remained. 
The coast line was closely guarded by revenue cutters to see that no one 
landed or embarked without permission. Every Cuban had a holy horror of 
this island as a place of torture and death. And the prejudice against the old 
Spanish regime here still survives all over Cuba. 

The Cuban Government permitted a wireless telegraph company to erect a 
station here and it has been ready for use for two months, but they will 
only permit them to use it now for government purposes by government 
officials and their favorites. They refuse to allow us to send any messages. 

An American merchant at Colombia has just been brought in and put in jail, 
by five rural guards for refusing to pay the license fees -of a shopkeeper. 
He insisted that the island is American territory and that Cuba's constitution, 
sovereignty, and laws have no right to be recognized here. I have not the 
full particulars yet. but I understand he is going to try to make a test of it. 
I can not see how he can do it, as our Government gives us no recognition 01 
protection whatever. Under orders of Secretary Root to the Cubans we are to 
be forced to do as they demand and no notice is taken of it by our (the Ameri- 
can) representatives in Cuba. 

A common Jamaica negro here is promptly protected by the British consul, 
but Americans are treated like dogs. The day will come when the people of 
the United States will remember and resent this Isle of Pines sacrifice and 
persecution perpetrated on some of their most patriotic citizens simply because 
of their love and reverence for their country. When they are called again to 
rally around " Old Glory," to defend the Monroe Doctrine, they will say, " Re- 
member not the Maine, .but the Isle of Pines, patriots who were sold into bond- 
age to protect Messrs. Root and Wood and the Cuban and American tobacco- 
trust graft." We have conclusive evidence that certain people high in official 
authority in the United States, who are in position to prevent the Isles of Pines 
being recognized as United States territory, are at present holders of interests 
in large tobacco plantations in Cuba, and we believe in addition to that that 
these same people arje, largely interested in the tobacco trusts in a professional 



RECEIVED ■ 



PROTESTS AGAINST ISLE OP PINES TREATY. . 6 

capacity. These officials will probably resist any plan of extending justice to 
the Isle of Pines to the hitter end. It is this class of underhand land specu- 
lating United States officials who spread the reports in the United States that 
there are only some speculators interested in the Isle of Pines, but they will 
he given the lie hy the ruined little farmers and their helpless little families 
begging their way back to their own country, which has been so vilely disgraced 
by such cattle as the prevaricator who said to the President that he had visited 
this island, and that it was not worth a tinker's dam, and that they could 
let Culm have it and get something worth more for it. This man, you remember, 
having made such a statement when he visited 'Washington in November, 1902. 
It is safe to say that he would get a beautiful coat of tar and feahers if he 
ever visited this island again. 

Joe, you know my treatment here has been very unjust, because I was must 
zealous in trying to open up and introduce new methods of business and 
improvements, in which I have already spent thousands of dollars among the 
people. I have been actually beaten down, arrested, and fined here, over and 
over again. This has been done often, although 1 have never committed a 
single offense against any civilized law. One of the most serious offenses I 
ever committed was when a rural guard was dragging and pushing my little 
15-year old boy down to prison for having refused to. go out of a store when a 
negrp ordered him out. At that time. I stepped out of my house and asked the 
negro what the boy was arrested for. He refused to tell me, and I followed 
Ihem to the prison to hud out. I was then arrested, put under $25 bond, and next 
day had to pay $10 hue for myself, as well as $10 for the boy. Similar cases 
have almost been of weekly occurrence for four years, and it lias been said 
when one of my sons was locked up all night without any charge against him. 
that it was about time, as no Pearcy had been arrested for two weeks. This 
state of persecution was kept up on me and my family until a few months 
ago, when President Palma of Cuba called the alcalde to Habana and told 
him he would have to let me alone till the treaty was ratified, as his troubles 
with me had caused them to lose votes in the United States Senate already. 
Since then he has ceased to persecute me by arrest, but they give me hell by 
restrictions and confiscations in the custom-house. They have stolen from 
me at least $500 worth of merchandise through clerical errors of such a 
simple nature that the confiscations were no less than highway robbery. To-day 
I am shut off from my business on our land where I have KM) men cutting 
poles and timber, because I can not get a Cuban licensed pilot to go out with 
my little business and pleasure launch. There are only five licensed Cuban 
citizens here, and they have not the slightest idea of running a steam launch. 
They only pilot, sponge, and fish with sailing vessels. We know every foot 
of water and all the keys' around this island; in fact, my two sons are the 
best-informed sailors around here and can handle our boat to perfection. They 
have to handle it when we get a Cuban, as he can not. Nevertheless we are 
compelled to have one of these beautiful ornaments aboard, or we can not even 
go to our work or out for pleasure, and you know there is no other way to 
our land except by water. Our boat is our buggy, but to-day these five licensed 
Cubans have formed a collusion against going out on my boats, and I am tied 
up completely. I do not have any idea why, as I have always paid them well 
and treated them kindly. I am afraid they are influenced by the officials. 
Unless they change their notion. I will have to tie up my boats and suspend 
all business. The men make no excuse, except that they do not want to work. 
1 have not had the slightest hard words or feelings with any of them. We 
are not allowed to move our little launch Pi feet, or take on water or fuel 
without getting out a batch of papers that would make a good-sized hook. All 
this must be done on primitive forms, and we have to send to a certain Cuban 
printing firm in Habana and buy all these forms. Should we run out. we 
can not use our boat till we get another supply from Habana. as they can not 
be bought here. They cost from ."> to Id cents each, and it requires live dif- 
ferent kinds of these forms before we can move our little boat, after wasting 
an hour or two to fill them out. In addition to all this, the blanks must be 
tilled out by a Cuban pilot. Our last man could not read or write, and my 
son Edward had t:> make out 'the papers for him. He was a half-breed aegro 
fisherman and quit his place here because he got stuck up as master of a ship, 
and therefore declined to lie ordered when and where it might he necessary 
tor us to go. It seems to nie that someone has been putting them up to taking 
advantage of our predicament. There will lie a very long score to pay here 
Some day, because there are men who will not stand what I and a few others 
have been enduring, and they are beginning to feel the pressure on them as 



4 PROTESTS AGAIKST ISLE OP PINES TREATY. 

they gradually get into business here. I have made up my mind to rest on 
my oars until there is a change for the better or until I find that Cuban rule 
is inevitable. I will then be in a position to get out entirely or to continue 
my business should this island remain American territory. I have an old 
and strong Cuban friend in Habana, who belongs to the anti-Palma party, 
who called on me just after our stir up here and wanted to join issues with 
us, and is now waiting, but I gave him no encouragement, as I have always 
had hopes that even Senators could not be so wicked and heartless as to sell 
us into slavery to " the dogs and devildoms " of Cuban-Spanish laws, and 
although I am discouraged and heartsick over the delay and apparent willing- 
ness of some of them to do it that I feel sometimes as if I could take my 
gun and march out and kill everything that stood between us and freedom, 
and that I could keep agoing until I was shot down. 

Just think ! A lot of Americans sold into slavery for what? Because of the 
love of what they thought to be the freest country in the world. 

If Senator Morgan saves us, the people will honor him here as we have always 
been taught to honor the great George Washington, whose birthday will be cele- 
brated on a grand scale to-morrow, and who, if he could speak, would saj 
"shame on an administration that would dare to uphold such a dirty piece of 
graft as to refuse to investigate the wrongs of, and to protect even one American 
citizen, let alone hundreds of them with all their property." 

A friend has just come in to tell me that Mr. Moerke, the Columbia merchant 
and postmaster I spoke of above, has just been convicted to serve fifty days in 
jail for refusing to pay license fees, and he will probably be sent to Cuba to 
serve his time out. This gentleman is one of those who took an active part in 
the territorial convention recently held, and was there elected a member of the 
legislature. They are singling them all out as fast as possible and getting any 
hold they can upon them in order to disgrace them under the Cuban law and to 
run them out of the island if possible. " Every dog has his day." 

There is only one American on the island that takes sides against us, and that 
is a Baptist preacher who, it is understood here, has a questionable i-ecord in the 
States. He has been very unpopular, and therefore decided to run his church 
so as to catch the Cubans in opposition to the Catholic Church. Thus, he refused 
to open our meeting with prayer, but instead made a speech against us and was 
hooted down. So, ever since, he has been opposing us in working underhand- 
edly against the interests of his American brethren. He went out in front of 
the hotel here the other night where several gentlemen were grouped together in 
conversation, among them being Mr. Steere, whom he insulted, and during their 
dispute he said "that the recent convention was composed of a dirty, disreputable 
lot of traitors and scoundrels." At this I, who had not had a word to say in the 
argument, got up and hit him. My son " Ed " then jumped on him and beat him 
up good. Next day we paid $8 each, which we considered cheap enough. Not one 
soul will enter his church since he took sides against us, and he is hooted as he 
passes along the street. Mr. Steere had him arrested for raising a disturbance 
and insulting him, but he is playing sick and can not attend court. Mr. Steere 
was fined $3 for being insulted, although he did not offer any resistance. 
Edward and I were the only ones who resented it. 

All Colombia has just come in to see A. W. Moerke in jail ; he will be fur- 
nished board from the hotel by his friends ; all the people say that they will go 
to jail before they will pay the Cuban Government any more money. Great 
excitement and interest is beginning to be taken in our prisoner, Mr. Moerke. 
The ladies are preparing to take up his supper and some good bedding. They 
remind me of the time when the boys were being brought in wounded or prison- 
ers during the civil war. These women here are the bravest and most loyal 
Americans on the island, and if they could swoop down in a body on the Senate 
that dignified organization would not consider the Cuban or tobacco trust 
interests any longer, but would insist that the United States kept the island. 

The idea of saying the island belongs to the Cubans is so absurd on its face 
that Mr. Root should be ashamed to let it be known that he was so indifferent or 
ignorant. Cuba did not belong to the Cubans until we gave it to them May 20, 
1902. As you remember, Mr. Hay told us that, and further said that we were 
not legally bound to turn Cuba over to the Culfans as an independent govern- 
ment, but were only morally bound to do so ; and he said that the Isle of Pines 
was kept out, and the adjustment mentioned in the Piatt amendment was simply 
for the purpose of arbitration as to who would finally get it. which fact our 
Government and the world already knew. But he also said that there were 
others (meaning Root) who thought they could trade to Tuba the island, not 
considering it worth anything. Mr. Hay then advised us to raise a howl and 



PROTESTS AGAINST ISLE OF PINES TREATY, b 

create public opinion so as to force proper consideration and investigation, or 
otherwise we would lie practically ignored and sold out for a mess fit" pottage. 
You will remember that he dictated the petition written in his office, which was 
signed by us and sent to Congress. It is evident that Mr. Hay was in the same 
condition as to choice in the matter as was Mr. Squires, former American min- 
ister in Habana, just before he resigned. Mr. Squires said to me. " Mr. Pearcy, 
you people on the island blame me for making that treaty, designed to turn the 
Isle of Pines over to Cuba in spite of your protest : but I assure you that I only 
did as I was commanded to do by my superiors." I replied. " Mr. Sqidres, some 
of us believed that all the time." 

Joe. look into this Moerke imprisonment case and advise us quickly whether 
he is not entitled to put in a bill for damages on the ground that Cuba has no 
legal status here whatever, and therefore the United States should be clearly 
held for damages for allowing the imprisonment of her citizens by foreign 
authority in United States territory. Try to get a bill introduced into Congress 
demanding that Cuba withdraw its de facto government from the Isle of Pines. 
Joe. I have sent you a number of letters which I am sure you have not received. 
I do not get half of mine that are sent to me. and those that I do get appear to 
have been opened in the Cuban mails. We will have to devise some means of get- 
ting our letters backward and forward to the United States without having them 
subjected to inspection and probably opened by the Cuban authorities. The 
black cabinet for spying into the correspondence of private citizens and officials, 
which is so abhorred in European countries, seems to be worked in Cuba to the 
limit. 

From your brother. S. H. Feakcy. 



NO CUBAN RULE FOR THEM AMERICANS REFUSE TO SUBMIT TO ANY, 

KIND OF CUBAN RULE IN TERRITORY BELONGING TO THE UNITED 
STATES. 

The following- letter, supplementary to others already published, 
shows the actual condition of public sentiment in the Isle of Pines 
against any kind of Cuban rule in territory ceded to the United 
States. American citizens ought to have some rights that even the 
Boot regime ought to respect. 

This letter speaks for itself : 

Nueva, Gerona, Isle of Pinks. February 26, 1906. 

Dear Brother Joe (Capt. J. L. Pearcy) : I am so busy I can write but a 
short note to-night, as it is now 11 o'clock and I have to send it by hand dowu 
to the boat. 

We are to have a grand mass meeting here day after to-morrow to decide 
what we will do about the Moerke case (the postmaster jailed for nonpayment 
of license fees). lie is still in jail. We may propose a truce with the alcalde 
until our case is settled by paying all money to be held subject to the determi- 
nation of whom it belongs to, provided they take their rural guards away r.nd 
we guarantee to keep the peace until Congress decides our fate. If he refuses 
I do not know what the next move will be. but these people will send canvassers 
to the United States to secure help if something is not done to release the 
strain. Senator Morgan's report has made them sure of what they always 
knew, that Cuba has no right here. They will never peaceably submit to 
Cuban rule, but they are going to move cautiously and be sure of their game 
when they begin. S. II. Pearcy used to be the kicker, but I am now laid clear 
in the shade. Is there no way by which an act or resolution could be hurried 
through both Houses to get a military officer sent here to take charge until all 
is settled? Cuba can not have this island without a war. and it will not be 
this crowd alone who will be in line against the Cubans. Thousands of offers 
are coming in for help. One of the head leaders of the anti-Pahna party in 
Cuba came to me and offered the support of their party whenever we wanted 
it. I told him we would not need it. as I was sure our own Government would 
be advised of the great fraud before it was too late, lie said the Isle of Pines 
never did and should not belong to Cuba. 

Get some Congressman to offer a bill to instruct the War Department to send 
an officer here at once to take charge, and all these guards can go home. The 
alcalde is now claiming that he is sole commander here by appointment of the 
United States Government, as their military representative. Think of a half- 



6 PROTESTS AGAINST ISLE OP PINES TREATY. 

breed, ignorant man like him being selected to govern a lot of intelligent Anglo- 
Saxons and collect taxes levied by the New Cuban Congress to pay the so-called 
Cuban soldiers and for the keeping of 30 or 40 of these beautiful negro thieves 
here to do it by force, and they going out every day, 5 to 10 at a time, to 
bring in respectable American gentlemen, and to take wagons and break into 
their houses and haul in the last stick of furniture, leaving the wife and five 
little children without a home and penniless. This is the case of Mr. Moerke, 
above alluded to, because he would not pay $20 for three months' privilege lir 
cense to kee\> a little store when he only had about 20 or HO customers and car- 
ried about $I()0 worth of stock, selling about $25 .to $30 worth of goods per month. 
He kept the post-office because there was not a single native in Cuba living in 
that quarter of the Island, and they had promised to pay him $3 per month. 
Nevertheless, they had not paid him a cent in eight months. 

Speaking about the Cubans here, I notice all sorts of reports as to their 
number. I will give $50 each for every 1 over 1,000 Cubans in the island 
if they will give me $."> each for every 1 under 1,000 Cubans at present here. 
Americans and natives are nearly equal, but there are more American men 
than there are natives, but more native children, by a great deal, than Ameri- 
cans. Three hundred out of 330 Cubans, living on the land we bought, have 
moved to Cuba since we bought it four and a half years ago, and 18 of those 
left are going to Cuba when their lease is out, August 1 next ; they have already 
rented hind there and shipped some of their stock, etc. Half of the Spanish 
refugees who flocked here for protection during the blockade, remaining here 
when our Government took the census, left in less than twelve months after- 
wards for their homes in Cuba, when they had gotten over their scare. Joe, 
I could write all night about the unjust representations made about this 
island and the injustice done to the people here, but I will have to close. 
Your brother, 

Sam. 
(Capt. S. H. Pearcy. ) 



AGAINST THE ISLE OF PINES TREATY AMENDMENTS. 

To the honorable presiding officers and Members of the Senate and 

House of Representatives of the United States: 

Gentlemen: It has come to my knowledge that representations are 
being made from Cuban sources to the effect that there is compara- 
tively a small number of American property owners on the Isle of 
Pines who have their titles to land recorded according to the old Span- 
ish laws now in vogue in that island under its present alleged de facto 
laws now in vogue in that island under its present alleged de facto 
Cuban Government. This allegation, even if it be true, would be of 
comparatively little importance, because it in no wise indicates how 
many Americans have bona fide holdings of real estate in the island 
for which they paid their cash. 

Few Americans are willing to pay exorbitant sums to have their 
land titles recorded under the old Spanish system. They believe, 
under American law, that contracts for deeds, or other unrecorded in- 
struments conveying title, would serve as ample security until such 
time as the prevailing laws under American authority could be 
brought to some degree of simplicity and the fees for recording titles 
could be reduced to figures somewhere near commensurate to the serv- 
ices rendered. 

It costs the people of the Isle of Pines from $30 to $50 to record an 
ordinary real-estate title under the present laws in force. In the 
United States warranty deeds could be recorded for two or three dol- 
lars, conveying a guaranteed title. It costs hundreds of dollars to 
record some deeds under Cuban laws, and there are instances where. in 
small holdings it would cost more to record the deed than to purchase 
the property. 



PEOTESTS AGAINST ISLE OP PINES TREATY. 7 

We can produce the names of at least 2,000 American citizens who 
tiwii property in the Isle of Pines. 

We challenge anyone to produce the names of 100 actual Cuban citi- . 
zens who now own property on the Isle of Pines, no matter what the 
Cuban official record of deeds may apparently show. 

Proportionately nine-tenths of the real estate of the island is owned 
by American citizens. 

This comparatively large purchase of property was due to the assur- 
ances of officials of the War Department that the Isle of Pines would be 
retained under American jurisdiction. These assurances were made 
often and to many people, who either had purchased or were intend- 
ing to purchase real estate in the island. I would venture the asser- 
tion that without such assurance not a dozen of the Americans now 
living there could have been induced to give up their homes in the 
States and go to the Isle of Pines, even as prospectors under salary, 
much less take the risk of investing in property which they knew 
would be subject to Cuban jurisdiction. 

It is quite generally understood now that argument is being ad- 
vanced to the effect that the Isle of Pines should be ceded to Cuba by 
the pending treaty so amended by provisions and safeguards that 
American interests Avould be protected on the island. I desire, as the 
chosen representative of the American citizens on the Isle of Pines, to 
enter my most earnest and emphatic protest against any such plan. 

As I understand the scheme proposed by Cubans, it includes the 
administration of the island as a colony of Cuba after its cession to 
Cuba in the pending treaty, on the part of the United States. Such 
a plan would be an utter failure and would operate to -w freeze out '' 
pretty nearly all the American property holders on the island. 

We could not have anything to say whatever about our government, 
as a colony of Cuba or as a part of Cuba, unless we renounce our 
American citizenship, which very few, if any of us, would be willing 
to do. We could not vote without first swearing allegiance to Cuba. 
We would then be subject entirely to the caprice of Cuban officials. 
Our experiences during the past three years with them, in spite of the 
fact that they did not have any right under constitutional law to rule 
over us, have been such as to prove to us, beyond even a reasonable 
doubt, that we would be subjected to all sorts of devices and schemes 
for the extortion of money, some or all of which might never be re- 
mitted to either the insular or the Cuban treasury, and which cer- 
tainly would not be expended for the improvement or benefit of the 
island, should we pass irrevocably under Cuban rule. We believe that 
it would be a grafting government, pure and simple, run to enrich a 
few Cuban officials, while we. as aliens, could neither vote nor hold 
office or trust, but would be easy plucking for those in authority 
over us. 

Then under these conditions what avail would be our appeals to the 
United States for protection under a treaty with its so-called " safe- 
guards? " Probably nil. We would have no means to reach the ears 
of what might be perhaps a hostile American Executive and no official 
way of appealing to the American people or to Congress. 

We would be tender lambs, indeed, abandoned to the mercies of the 
wolf. 

We would be without friends and without even a country. 

It is no small responsibility for the Senate of the United States to 
take such a stand, namely, to deprive the American citizens on the 



PROTESTS AGAINST ISLE OF PINES TRI 




015 813 171 



Isle of Pines of their birthrights of citizenship, tbu^ 

their homes and force them to live as aliens under a foreign flag. 

.We protest most vigorously against any such a procedure : 

First. Because we had assurances from the War Department, from 
General Wood and his subordinates, from statements made by former 
Secretary Hay, from steps taken by the Interior Department to 
include the Isle of Pines in American territory by direction of Presi- 
dent McKinley, and from the procedure of the Treasury in collect- 
ing full customs on goods shipped from the Isle of Pines to the 
United States under the Dingley law, whereas if we were regarded 
as a part of Cuba we would have the tariff reductions provided in the 
reciprocity treaty with Cuba. 

Second. Because we believe that both Houses of Congress, as well 
as the citizens of the United States in this country and in the Isle of 
Pines, ought to pass upon such a momentous question as the cession 
of American territory to a foreign jurisdiction, even under the most 
stringent safeguards and regulations which a treaty could provide. 

Third. Because we have plainly indicated that we do not believe 
the Cubans, under any form of treaty whatsoever, bound around with 
restrictions and reservations in Avhatever way the most skillful law- 
yers might devise, could be restricted and obliged to administer a 
government for the best interests of American citizens living in the 
Isle of Pines, or for the best interests of the Cuban Government itself. 

Here is an instance with regard to the enforcement of certain 
Cuban laws. It is unlawful to allow cattle to run at large on the Isle 
of Pines. There was an American there who had his young orange 
trees destroyed by cattle breaking through his fence. He corralled 
the cattle and filed a claim for damages. The alcalde then appointed 
his private secretary and the owner of the cattle to appraise the dam- 
ages. The following day the claimant was notified to appear and 
was told by the judge never to enter the court with a complaint of 
this kind again. The case was dismissed. I was an eyewitness to 
this affair, and I would not accept $100 and bear the damages inflicted 
on those orange trees. 

This is one of hundreds of affairs of this kind. 

The less said about Cuban courts the better. 

At the present time there are more American property owners in 
the Isle of Pines than there are in Porto Rico. 

Again, may we plead with the honorable members of the United 
States Senate not to ratify a treaty depriving their fellow-citizens of 
that which righteously and honestly belongs to them. 

There are hundreds of American citizens who have invested their 
savings of the past fifteen or twenty years in their homes on the 
island, who, by the ratification of the pending treaty, would virtually 
be stripped of all their earthly possessions, no matter what amending 
safeguards may be exacted by the Government of the United States. 

We who have had abundant experience fear to trust ourselves to the 
authority of Spanish and Cuban laws, as they would be interpreted by 
the Cuban courts and administered by the Cuban executive officials 
stationed in the Isle of Pines should the pending treaty be ratified. 

Edward P. Ryan, 
Delegate from the Isle of Pines. 

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